July 27th 2024 – What’s wrong with the West

Paul Murray does something completely remarkable this week and presents some criticism of state political and social decisions that could almost be considered legitimate. While his take on the issues is rather typically unreasonable, biased and full of rhetorical trickery, I think its more important to cover something the story that the West ran on the front page and then again on pages 8-9: ‘”Revealed: United front on radical green laws; No positives in it for us’

In this piece the West Australian provides a platform for the WA Chamber of Commerce and Industry, the Business Council of Australia, National Farmers Federation, the Chamber of Minerals and Energy (WA) and the Association of Mining and Exploration Companies to vent their spleens about the potential problems further environmental regulation could produce for them and their members.

In the interests of balance, after 16 paragraphs of mineral and oil extractors complaining about this possibility, there is a single paragraph from the Australian Conservation Foundation stating ‘we need a national EPA to get the politics out of decision making, to be independent and make independent decisions on the facts to ensure nature is protected’. Doesn’t seem unreasonable.

But of particular concern, the article asserts, is ‘the looming threat of a Greens backed ‘climate trigger’ being shoe-horned into the environmental reforms. A climate trigger means all projects estimated to produce more than 100,000 tonnes of Greenhouse gas emissions a year would need a special exemption from the environment minister’.

This is presented to the reader as though such a requirement is an abhorrent incursion on business and industry in the state. Instead, let’s suggest that the emission of 100,000 tonnes of Greenhouse Gas PER YEAR is actually a significant public risk that needs to be addressed as an environmental threat.

For those not keeping up with science, or still maintaining a belief that climate change isn’t real, it’s worth pointing out that the last 12 months have been the hottest 12 months ever recorded . While the threat of climate change can seem vague and hard to define, this heat has accompanied a severe drying trend in Western Australia, as can be witnessed by this rainfall data from the past year:

In terms of what this data means to how we live, this lack of rainfall is threatening the ongoing viability of our Southern Forests. It’s also threatening the viability of farmland all over the southwest.

What annoys me about the West’s coverage of the issue is that there is really no attention given to the argument for regulating heavy carbon-emitting industries, even though there is clearly a public need to do so. Instead they insist, there is ‘nothing in it for us’.

More importantly, there is also no attention given to the intended outcome of Albanese’s environmental policies – that as a nation we should use the need to pivot to cleaner and greener industries and forms of production to stimulate jobs and economic growth. This is what we need to do. Not only because that’s the best way to create a more egalitarian economy, but also because the cost of greening industry and services is a lot cheaper than trying to irrigate our southwest because it doesn’t rain there anymore.

In short, there are a lot of positives in environmental regulation for ‘us’. But when the West says ‘there are no positives in it for us’, they really mean there’s nothing in it for the mining and gas businesses the West owns.

What I thought of ‘Move Fast and Break Things’ by Jonathan Taplin

When Jon Taplin appeared on ABC’s Nightline a couple of months ago I had a string of recommendations to engage with his work – notably from my mum and Joe Hutton – as well as colleagues at UWA. After reading his latest book “Move fast and break things” I understand why.

Taplin explores the effect of digital monopolies on cultural production throughout the book. Some of the arguments were painfully familiar to me; I’ve also written about ‘The big data public and its problems’ in an upcoming issue of New Media and Society. My argument being that the network benefits of sharing one particular system (Google, Amazon, Facebook) actually creates a tendency towards homogenisation and the loss of difference.

Taplin explores this phenomenon through music – outlining how the prevalence of YouTube as a music streaming service has eroded regional and stylistic differences in musical styles. But where Taplin really added to my understanding of the digital media ‘ecology’ was in the description of how the internet behemoths act as monopsony – creating a market situation where there is only one ‘buyer’ of cultural goods – specifically YouTube for music, Facebook for news, Google for information and Amazon for books.  By being the only place where artists can effectively sell their material online, these vendors can issue demands about pricing and distribution that are essentially noncompetitive and unfair to the artists… What this means is that unless you’re at the very top of your game (whatever that game is) it is becoming harder and harder to survive through producing things.

Taplin does a great job of exploring the libertarian philosophical underpinnings of these industries and also equating what is going on in the digital world to the increasing economic stratification within late industrial economies. In this world you’re either flourishing because you’re riding the tech wave and are either enjoying or employing a digital monopoly or you’re sidelined and becoming increasingly powerless.

The book is not without its weaknesses, Taplin paints an overly rosy picture of the A&R culture of music labels and it’s clear that he is writing from a position where – as a producer of cultural commodities – he has been undercut by digital tools.

However, his intimate experience of seeing his friends, colleagues and family struggle in the new media world adds passion to his writing. More importantly, his research into how Google has infiltrated the upper echelons of the US democratic system is really illuminating. He also points out how ineffective the judiciary and legislature has been in trying to curtail the noncompetitive practices of these digital giants.

He presents a re-decentralised, local and competitive vision of a better digital future, which I also feel has to be the way forward. However, he doesn’t really outline how we would get there, with some of his ideas seeming to be based upon the collective will to disengage with the ‘masses’.

I feel the problem with this optimism is that we are all too concerned with what ‘everyone else’ is thinking to have the will to break away from that and seek more local and subjective experiences. However, I do think these local and subjective experiences are still, actually, more rewarding, so maybe that’s the field that digital media can open up.

TL;DR It was a fascinating book and well worth a read.